Barring an unexpected turn of events, France is poised to be without a government again by Wednesday. This situation arises as Michel Barnier, whom President Macron appointed following July’s indecisive parliamentary election, confronts a no-confidence vote concerning the budget—a vote he is highly likely to lose. As the left-wing MP Alexis Corbière put it in the National Assembly this afternoon: “That’s it for Barnier. He’s out of here.” The numbers are unforgiving for the former Brexit negotiator, who is now set to conclude his career as the briefest-serving prime minister in the history of France’s Fifth Republic. From its inception, he has presided over an unusual situation: a minority government whose continued existence relied entirely on the forbearance of its political adversaries. Within the National Assembly, Barnier’s support base consisted of his conservative faction and the Macron loyalists. However, this centrist alliance has been consistently outvoted by a left-wing coalition on one flank and the populist right led by Marine Le Pen on the other. When these two opposing forces unite – as they are expected to do in Wednesday’s censure motion – the numerical disadvantage becomes insurmountable, leading to Barnier’s inevitable removal. This crisis has been anticipated, but was postponed until now due to extensive procedural negotiations regarding the 2025 budget. Soon after assuming his position in September, he put forward a budget plan that pledged a €60bn (£49bn) reduction in the deficit, a measure he stated was essential to appease Brussels and restore the nation’s financial health. However, due to his lack of a parliamentary majority, his budget proposal was subsequently altered by opposition amendments – originating from both the left and the populist right – which eliminated taxes and incorporated additional spending, thereby fundamentally altering its core character. Following extensive parliamentary back-and-forth with the conservative-controlled Senate, Barnier presented a revised document, or more precisely, documents, given the existence of both a social security budget and the general budget. Nevertheless, that iteration continues to be deemed unacceptable by the opposition. Marine Le Pen, possessing the power to rescue Barnier should she decide, presented a range of fresh demands, such as the abolition of a new electricity tax and the full reinstatement of index-linked pensions. Barnier conceded significant points, in fact. Yet, these concessions proved insufficient. Consequently, Le Pen now intends to withdraw her support. Barnier and his proponents have heavily emphasized their primary compelling argument: the prospect of widespread disorder. They questioned which responsible party leader would wish to plunge France into the unpredictability and volatility of another governmental crisis. They further queried whether Marine Le Pen would genuinely desire to bear responsibility for the anticipated turmoil in financial markets, the rise in borrowing expenses, and the subsequent reductions in spending. Her counter-argument asserts that predictions of disaster are overstated, claiming no catastrophe will occur. While France might technically lack a budget (which will be the case if Barnier is removed on Wednesday), established systems will activate. The constitution permits the temporary administration of affairs through executive decree. To a certain extent, her assertion holds true. Should Barnier be unseated, he is likely to remain in office in an interim role while Macron (who is currently in Saudi Arabia this week, a timing that presents an inconvenience) searches for a successor. This process could extend for several weeks, mirroring the situation in the summer when Macron’s poorly handled early elections resulted in a loss, and Gabriel Attal served as caretaker until September. During this interim period, a specific law might be enacted to extend the 2024 budget into 2025, ensuring civil servants receive their salaries and hospitals can cover their heating expenses. A subsequent new government would then approve a retroactive “corrective” budget to rectify the financial records. However, the broader situation presents a significantly graver concern. The initial political crisis, initiated by Macron’s dissolution of parliament in June, has been revealed as the persistent catastrophe it inherently was. A “fix” is not achievable through a “consensus-building” negotiator of Barnier’s type. Barnier represented the optimal choice the president could present. His potential failure, therefore, indicates the situation is genuinely unmanageable. New elections cannot be scheduled before July. The formation of a stable government appears unlikely. Some suggest that Macron’s departure is the sole solution. Previously, this idea has been considered a political pipe dream. However, how much more of this situation is France willing to endure?

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