The Philippines, a nation where political drama is common, is currently facing a significant political challenge after its sitting vice-president made statements about hiring assassins to kill the president and dreaming of his decapitation. Vice-president Sara Duterte posted on her Facebook page last weekend, stating, “I have talked to a person. I said, if I get killed, go kill BBM [President Marcos], [First Lady] Liza Araneta, and [House Speaker] Martin Romualdez. No joke. No joke. I said, do not stop until you kill them, and then he said yes.” The previous month, she informed reporters that her relationship with President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos had turned toxic, and she had envisioned cutting off his head. Additionally, she issued a threat to exhume the body of the president’s father from the Heroes’ Cemetery in Manila and scatter the ashes in the sea. These dramatic developments are rooted in the spectacular disintegration of what was once a powerful political alliance. The alliance formed by the Marcos and Duterte families for the 2022 presidential election was a strategic arrangement. Both candidates, being children of former presidents—with Sara Duterte’s father, Rodrigo, serving as the incumbent at the time—commanded significant support across various regions of the Philippines and shared a populist appeal. Nevertheless, the prospect of both running for president carried the risk of fragmenting their respective support bases and potentially leading to a loss to a third contender. Consequently, she consented to Marcos pursuing the presidency while she sought the vice-presidency—these two positions being elected independently—with the understanding that they would campaign together as a single team. The underlying expectation was that the younger Duterte would thereby be well-positioned to contend for the subsequent presidential election in 2028. This strategy proved highly effective, resulting in a landslide victory for their self-proclaimed UniTeam. However, as past occupants of the office could have informed Duterte, the vice-presidency is predominantly a ceremonial role with limited actual authority. The Duterte family had sought the influential defense portfolio; however, President Marcos instead assigned her to the Department of Education, an early indication of his apprehension about allowing his vice-president to consolidate her power base. Furthermore, President Marcos sharply deviated from his predecessor’s political approach. He instructed the Philippines navy and coastguard to assert themselves against China in contested regions of the South China Sea. This represented a notable departure from President Rodrigo Duterte, who had declined to challenge China’s prevailing presence in the area and had even professed his admiration for Chinese leader Xi Jinping. Marcos also moderated President Duterte’s controversial war on drugs, which had resulted in the deaths of thousands of suspected drug dealers. He has also indicated a potential return to the International Criminal Court, an institution that has issued an indictment against Rodrigo Duterte for alleged crimes against humanity. The former president has, moreover, appeared before the Philippines Senate to face questioning regarding the extrajudicial killings that occurred during his term. The relationship between the two factions deteriorated further when allies of Marcos in the lower house initiated an inquiry into Sara Duterte’s utilization of confidential funds that were allocated to her upon assuming office. In July, the vice-president stepped down from her role as education secretary, and her public statements subsequently grew more provocative. Sara Duterte has a history of controversial incidents. Thirteen years prior, during her tenure as mayor of Davao City, she was recorded on video repeatedly striking a court official. She shares a political style akin to her outspoken father, with both being recognized for their assertive rhetoric. He notably referred to the Pope as a “son of a whore” and openly claimed to have killed individuals. He characterizes her as the family’s “alpha” figure, consistently achieving her objectives; conversely, she states he is difficult to love. Similar to her father, she enjoys riding large motorbikes. Nonetheless, her recent threats directed at President Marcos, her former ally, could potentially be considered a verbal transgression beyond acceptable limits. Marcos has reacted by labeling Duterte’s remarks as “reckless” and “troubling.” The Philippines National Bureau of Investigation, which functions as the country’s equivalent of the American FBI, has issued a summons for the vice-president to account for her threats on Friday. She has since retracted these statements, asserting their unreality. “This is a plan without flesh,” she clarified, simultaneously accusing Marcos of being a dishonest individual who is guiding the nation towards ruin. It was perhaps unavoidable that two such influential families would develop into rivals within the turbulent landscape of Filipino politics, which remains largely characterized by individual personalities, powerful family dynasties, and regional affiliations. Political allegiances in the Philippines are dynamic, with senators and members of congress frequently altering their party affiliations. Power inherently gravitates towards the president, who possesses the authority to allocate government funds. Furthermore, former presidents are routinely subjected to investigations for corruption or abuses of power once their terms conclude. President Marcos seeks to restore his family’s reputation, following his father’s ignominious removal by a popular uprising in 1986, and is eager to influence the selection of his successor in 2028. The Duterte family, for its part, possesses its own dynastic aspirations. Currently, Sara Duterte retains her position as vice-president. Although she could be removed via impeachment by the Senate, such a move would entail significant risk for President Marcos. She commands substantial popular support in the southern regions and among millions of overseas Filipino workers, which could make securing adequate support in the Senate for impeachment a challenging endeavor. Mid-term elections are scheduled for May of next year, during which all seats in the lower house and half of the 24 senatorial positions will be contested. These elections are anticipated to serve as an indicator of the strength of each competing political faction. Duterte’s dramatic rupture with the president presents an opportunity for her to endorse her own candidates and position herself as an alternative to an administration that has seen its popularity decline due to the economy’s underwhelming performance. This could provide her with a more advantageous starting point for the 2028 presidential election compared to remaining aligned with the Marcos administration. Following her provocative statements over the past several weeks, Filipinos are likely contemplating what she will utter next.

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