Amidst the ongoing formation of a new Syria, previously contained threats are resurfacing. The instability following the removal of Bashar al-Assad is “paving the way” for the so-called Islamic State (IS) to re-emerge, as stated by a prominent Kurdish commander instrumental in the jihadist group’s defeat in Syria in 2019. This commander asserts that the resurgence has already commenced. General Mazloum Abdi, who commands the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)—a predominantly Kurdish militia alliance supported by the US—stated, “‘Activity by Daesh [IS] has increased significantly, and the danger of a resurgence had doubled’.” He added, “‘They now have more capabilities and more opportunities.'” Intelligence reports indicate that IS militants have acquired weaponry and ammunition abandoned by Syrian regime forces, according to General Abdi. Furthermore, he cautioned about “‘a real threat'” that these militants might attempt to breach SDF-operated prisons in north-east Syria, where approximately 10,000 of their fighters are detained. The SDF also maintains custody of around 50,000 family members of these individuals in various camps. The interview with General Abdi took place late at night at a location that could not be revealed. General Abdi expressed approval of the Assad regime’s collapse, a regime that had previously imprisoned him on four occasions. However, he appeared fatigued and confessed to feeling frustrated by the prospect of re-engaging in previous conflicts. “We fought against them [IS] and paid 12,000 souls,” he stated, referencing the SDF’s casualties. He added, “‘I think at some level we will have to go back to where we were before.'” The general indicated that the risk of an IS resurgence is amplified because the SDF is experiencing escalating assaults from neighboring Turkey and the rebel factions it backs, necessitating the redeployment of some fighters to this front. He conveyed that the SDF has been compelled to halt counter-terrorism operations against IS, and hundreds of prison guards—out of a force numbering in the thousands—have returned to their homes to protect their communities. Ankara considers the SDF to be an offshoot of the PKK, a proscribed Kurdish separatist group that has conducted an insurgency for decades and is designated as a terrorist organization by both the US and the EU. Turkey has consistently sought a 30km “buffer zone” within the Kurdish area of northeastern Syria, and since Assad’s overthrow, it has intensified its efforts to establish it. General Abdi stated, “‘The number one threat is now Turkey because its airstrikes are killing our forces.'” He elaborated, “‘These attacks must stop, because they are distracting us from focusing on the security of the detention centres,’ though we will always do our best.'” Within Al-Sina, the largest facility housing IS detainees, the extensive security measures and the palpable tension among the personnel were evident. This former educational institution, located in the city of Al-Hasakah, incarcerates approximately 5,000 men, who are suspected IS fighters or supporters. Each cell door is secured with a padlock and three bolts. Heavy iron gates segment the corridors into distinct sections. Guards, wearing masks, carried batons. Gaining entry to this facility is uncommon. We were granted a brief view inside two cells but were unable to communicate with the occupants. They were informed of our journalistic presence and offered the choice to conceal their faces; few opted to do so. Most remained seated silently on blankets and thin mattresses, while two men walked back and forth. According to Kurdish security sources, the majority of inmates at Al-Sina remained affiliated with IS until its final stand and held a profound commitment to its ideology. We were introduced to a 28-year-old detainee, who was slender and soft-spoken and requested anonymity. He stated that he was speaking without coercion, although he offered little information on crucial subjects. He recounted leaving his home country of Australia at 19 years old to visit his grandmother in Cyprus. “‘From there, one thing led to another,’ he explained, ‘and I ended up in Aleppo.'” He asserted that he was employed by an NGO in the city of Raqqa when IS assumed control. When questioned about his involvement in any killings or having “blood on his hands,” he responded, almost inaudibly, “‘No, I wasn’t.'” Asked if he supported IS’s actions, he answered, “‘I don’t wish to answer that question because it might have an effect on my case.'” He expressed a desire to return to Australia eventually, despite uncertainty regarding his potential reception. Approximately three hours by car from Al-Sina, within the confines of Roj camp, a widespread belief persists that freedom is imminent, by some means. This stark encampment of tents, encircled by walls, fences, and watchtowers, houses nearly 3,000 women and children. Although never formally tried or convicted, these individuals are identified as family members of IS fighters and supporters. The camp includes several British women; we briefly encountered three of them. All reported being advised by their legal representatives not to comment. In a windswept section of the camp, we encountered Saida Temirbulatova, 47, a former tax inspector from Dagestan, who was willing to speak. Her nine-year-old son, Ali, stood silently beside her. She expressed hope that Assad’s overthrow would lead to freedom for both of them. “‘The new leader Ahmed al-Sharaa [the head of the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham] made an address, saying he will give everyone their freedom. We also want freedom. We want to leave, most likely for Russia. It’s the only country that will take us,'” she stated. The camp manager, who requested anonymity due to safety concerns, informed us that some residents believe IS will arrive to liberate them. “‘Since the fall of Assad, the camp is calm. Typically, when it’s this quiet, it means the women are organising themselves,’ she observed. ‘They have packed their bags ready to go. They say: ‘We will get out of this camp soon and renew ourselves. We will come back again as IS.”” She noted a discernible change, even among the children, who chant slogans and direct insults at those passing by. “‘They say: ‘We will come back and get you. It [IS] is coming soon,’ she recounted.” While we were in the camp, numerous children were observed raising the index finger of their right hands, a gesture employed in Islamic prayer but also adopted by IS militants. The women in Roj camp are not the sole individuals preparing to depart. Certain Kurdish civilians in the city of Al-Hasakah are similarly preparing to leave, driven by fears of a jihadi resurgence and a potential fourth ground offensive by Turkey in north-eastern Syria, which is anticipated shortly. Jewan, a 24-year-old English teacher, is reluctantly making preparations to leave. “‘I have packed my bag, and I am preparing my ID and my important documents,’ he informed me. ‘I don’t want to leave my home and my memories, but we are all living in a state of constant fear. The Turks are threatening us, and the doors are open for IS. They can attack their jails. They can do whatever they want.'” Jewan had previously been displaced from the north-western city of Aleppo at the onset of Syria’s civil war in 2011, and he is now contemplating his destination. “‘The situation demands urgent international intervention to protect civilians,’ he asserted. When asked if he believed such intervention would materialize, he softly responded, “‘No.'” Nevertheless, he requested that his appeal be conveyed. Additional reporting was contributed by Michael Steininger, Matthew Goddard, and Jewan Abdi. Copyright 2024 BBC. All rights reserved. The BBC disclaims responsibility for the content of external websites. Information regarding its approach to external linking is available.

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