Chaw Su last saw her husband in March, the month he was forcibly conscripted into the army to participate in Myanmar’s civil war. She learned of his death on the frontline four months later. “We were always poor and struggled,” she states. “But life was much more bearable with him.” The 25-year-old widow, who relied on her husband as the primary provider, is now responsible for three young children. *Names have been altered to safeguard the identities of the sources. Myanmar’s military regime, referred to as the junta, declared mandatory conscription in February. This decree stipulated that all men between 18 and 35 years old and women between 18 and 27 years old would be compelled to serve for a maximum period of two years. Following the 2021 coup that overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratically elected government, the junta has encountered widespread resistance, including from volunteer People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) and various ethnic armed groups. This resistance has since intensified into a full-scale civil war. The previous year saw a significant shift, with the junta experiencing a renewed surge of attacks from insurgents, which have reportedly strained the military government to its limits. Consequently, resistance groups gained control over as much as two-thirds of the nation, a country that has endured decades of military governance and suppression. The junta, facing growing pressure, partially responded by proceeding with mandatory conscription, even though experts cautioned that this measure could worsen the country’s civil conflict. Initial training sessions commenced in April. Chaw Su’s husband, one of two men from their village dispatched for training, contacted her in July. He informed her of his deployment to Karen state, a region experiencing some of the fiercest clashes between the junta and ethnic armed groups. “He said that he would be sent to the frontline for two weeks and that he would call me when he returned to base,” Chaw Su recounted to the BBC. “It was the first and last message I received from him.” Towards the end of July, a military officer telephoned Chaw Su to notify her of her husband’s death. “I was completely out of my mind. The officer tried to console me with his words, but I felt that my life was over.” Chaw Su, similar to numerous others, was assured a salary for her husband’s military service. However, she stated that she only received 70,000 kyats (approximately $21) from the village official at the time of his initial conscription. Following this initial payment, several months passed without any further financial assistance. The military asserts that conscripts are eligible for a salary and compensation if they die in service, mirroring the entitlements of full-rank soldiers. Nevertheless, junta spokesperson Major General Zaw Min Tun informed the BBC that “there could be a delay if the necessary documents are incomplete”. Throughout Myanmar, conscripted soldiers, frequently lacking training and preparation, are dispatched to conflict zones with minimal support. Their families often remain uninformed about their locations. Soe Soe Aye, a widow in her 60s, has not heard from her son since his conscription six months prior. She states that he had no wish to serve in the military. “[My son] joined the military to feed his mother,” she added with tears. “I regret letting him go.” Currently, she contends with poor health and relies on her youngest daughter for household support. Despite this, she endeavors to maintain hope. “I just want to see my son. I don’t have enough strength to face this.” Numerous young Burmese individuals have adopted extreme measures to oppose the conscription directive. Kan Htoo Lwin, a 20-year-old from Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial center, underwent three months of conscription and training alongside 30 other individuals. He described the training as arduous, noting that they were warned their homes would be set ablaze if anyone attempted to escape. “After the training, I hated the army even more,” he stated. While en route to the frontline in the eastern part of the country, Kan Htoo identified an opportunity to escape with two companions when their convoy paused midway. “We ran once it got dark, while they were busy with security checks. We didn’t stop until nightfall,” he recollected. “At some point we were exhausted and stopped to rest. We took turns sleeping and keeping watch.” At dawn, the three young men secured a ride from a truck driver, reaching Aung Ban, a township located in southern Shan state. There, Kan Htoo became a member of a PDF, one of several resistance groups that have expanded as increasing numbers of young individuals, disaffected by the military junta, resort to armed struggle. The other two men are presently in hiding, according to Kan Htoo. For security purposes, he prefers not to disclose their current activities. Although men have been the main target of conscription efforts, women have also experienced its impact. Zue Zue, a 20-year-old from Yangon, relinquished her aspiration of becoming a Chinese translator to enlist in the Special Operation Force (SOF), a unit operating within the PDFs. “Now my goal is to end this era of military dictatorship and make peace for our generation,” she informed the BBC. While Zue Zue opted to remain, others have departed the country. Engineer Min Min departed for Thailand at the onset of conscription. He is currently residing there on an education visa, but asserts that he has encountered difficulties securing legal employment in Bangkok that aligns with his qualifications. Numerous individuals who escape to Thailand, such as Min Min, often find themselves in low-wage positions. Thai authorities have also intensified efforts to apprehend undocumented migrants, leading many to face deportation if apprehended. Min Min expresses concern that upon his visa’s expiration, he will be compelled to remain in the country unlawfully. “I’m worried about the living costs,” the 28-year-old stated. “I have no choice but to find manual labour jobs.” He further noted that Thai nationals, whose rights are safeguarded, receive priority, while Thai business owners frequently exploit migrants employed illegally. “I have also seen that Burmese engineers are working illegally and only paid around 12,000 Thai baht ($355), similar to the salary of migrant manual workers,” he observed. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Chaw Su now undertakes various odd jobs in the village, earning barely sufficient income to provide for her children. “It’s hard to explain to other people the struggle I’m going through,” she remarked. Post navigation Gaza Residents Express Concern Over Potential Halt of UNRWA Aid Amid Israeli Ban The Uncertain Future of the Assad Family Following the Syrian Regime’s Collapse